Kurdistan Workers' Party was created by Turkish intelligence

It may seem strange that the People's Alliance (AKP and MHP), united in Turkey on a nationalist, chauvinistic and statist principle, once again puts the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, to the fore and again cooperates with him to get the support of the Kurds on the eve of the upcoming election.

Continuing cooperation with the MHP, the AKP chairman is flirting more and more with Öcalan, who is in prison, every day. People can't help but wonder, "How is this possible?". This same People's Alliance is holding in prison Selahattin Demirtaş, who removed the Kurdish-backed HDP party from the status of a regional and ethnic party, turning it into a Turkish party. The People's Alliance, which cooperates with Öcalan and doesn't limit itself to keep Selahattin Demirtaş in prison, also threatens him with reprisals through some mafia leaders.

The Kurdish issue has so far had two aspects: one has led Turkey to totalitarianism, the other to freedom. Firstly, the deep forces of the country, certainly together with Abdullah Öcalan, formed a model of a country in which security is a priority and freedoms are limited. Öcalan's connection with the National Intelligence Organisation (MIT) has been the subject of heated discussions for a long time.

In the 90s, when the unsolved murders of the Gendarmerie Intelligence Organisation (JITEM) began to be perceived as commonplace, and the state of emergency became permanent, the ruling officials of the country pointed to the terrorist activities of the PKK, whose founding leader was Öcalan, as prerequisites justifying these murders. As the PKK intensified its terrorist activity, the rights and freedoms in the country were limited accordingly. In other words, those who wanted to curtail rights and freedoms gave way to PKK terrorism.

Sometimes even the state went beyond the routine and itself committed actions that looked like those committed by the PKK. Years later, the regional commander of that period, Lieutenant General Altay Tokat, admitted this during an interview and said that civilian officials detonated bombs near their homes to demonstrate their determination to fight.

Let's recall that those who used this method often resorted to this way in the 2000s, when they committed terrorist attacks in Dağlıca, Aktütün, Hakkâri and Silvan, which shook the country's politics. Comments were often published in the press that despite the fact that intelligence about the upcoming attacks had been received shortly before these attacks, no precautions were deliberately taken, and that soldiers were being targeted like sacrificial sheep in order to stir up the existing situation in the country.

For example, the Taraf newspaper published an article with attached documents stating that 16 days before the October 8, 2008 attack on Aktütün, during which 17 soldiers were killed, intelligence data was sent to the General Staff, but the military command did not take any precautions. The head of the General Staff of that period, İlker Başbuğ, responded with threats to these accusations attached to the documents and became very angry.

Let's remember the attacks in Dağlıca and Silvan and the efforts of Turkish politicians to contain the subsequent discussions about the deaths of soldiers. We already know that in whatever sphere it was desired to transform Turkey, it was done through the PKK, that is, Abdullah Öcalan, and we know about the PKK's function on the way to the election on November 1, 2015.

Whenever they wanted to turn a country into a country with a security priority and when an atmosphere of fear was required, the PKK appeared on the battlefield, and after the desired was achieved, it retreated. After the AKP was defeated for the first time in the election in June 2015, then after the increased terrorist attacks and chaos in the country, it held a repeated election, and on November 1, 2015, it won by a margin and re-formed the government.

While Selahattin Demirtaş spoke with the idea that the Kurdish issue can be solved by expanding the spheres of individual freedom, and that this expansion will benefit not only the Kurds, but also all residents of the country. The fundamental problem of the country was the narrowness of the spheres of human rights and individual freedom.

Indeed, the Kurdish issue could potentially turn Turkey into a totalitarian-chauvinist state or a legal libertarian country. It is precisely for this reason that Erdogan's alliance with Ergenekon, which aspires to a totalitarian country, keeps Demirtaş in prison, cooperating with Öcalan. Because they are part of one whole. Demirtaş, who wants to make the HDP a normal party, will not cooperate with Ergenekon. Similarly, Öcalan will not be able to take a place next to the law either.

The superficial skirmish between the leader of the AKP-supporting nationalist MHP party Devlet Bahçeli and Abdullah Öcalan is just a trick. They're both from the same team. Their animosity consists in the preparing the ground for the country that Ergenekon wants to form. That is, in fact, it is not surprising that Erdogan rules both Bahçeli and Öcalan as one.

The President, Chairman of the AKP Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in his speech at a meeting of the party group in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM), unwittingly made several confessions, speaking about the HDP supported by the Kurdish peoples.

Erdogan, targeting the HDP co-chairman Selahattin Demirtaş, who is serving his sentence, said: "The PKK-controlled party is waiting for a signal from the mountains, from the armed lovers of its deputies, to determine what to do, what to say and how to act. The medal of honour on their chest is, unfortunately, our young people, whom they abducted to the mountains. However, the prisoner in Edirne (HDP co-chairman Demirtaş) will answer for this to the prisoner in Imrali (Abdullah Öcalan)."

However, after these statements, the Turkish public criticised how the head of state can say that the chairman of the party will face the consequences in front of the leader of a terrorist organisation. Both in publications and verbally, comments began to be actively discussed that "the president of the country completely ignored law enforcement and the legal consciousness of the country, and it turned out that he was in contact with the PKK, and that there was a certain plan."

Kesire Yildirim is the wife of PKK member and leader Abdullah Öcalan, whom she married in 1978. After 10 years, their marriage broke up, in 1988 Yildirim said that her path with Öcalan parted, calling him a "dictator".

After some time, Kesire Yildirim left for Europe and began to make statements against Öcalan. Kesire Yildirim, who made numerous statements to the press against Öcalan, stopped her statements after a while. Lawyer Huseyin Yildirim, known at the time as Öcalan's right-hand man, explains this silence with threats from the state. (If Kesire will start to speak, Öcalan will be finished. http://www.haberturk.com. Dated September 27, 2016).

There is a suspicion that Kesire's father Ali Yildirim is an employee of the National Intelligence Organisation (MIT). (PhD thesis "Analysis of methods and means of using children of members of the PKK terrorist group", Institute of Defence Sciences of the Military Academy, Department of Security Sciences, Ankara, 2014, p. 39).

It is also known that journalist Uğur Mumcu conducted a study on this topic. However, he was killed that week when he announced that he was going to make important statements. 

Uğur Mumcu did not have time to complete his book and shed light on this issue. His older brother, Ceyhan Mumcu, said that Uğur Mumcu managed to establish relationships within the PKK, as well as their financial sources, and that this is why he was killed… Journalist Avni Özgürel also revealed a state secret about Abdullah Öcalan 35 years later... The newspaper Aydınlık was the first to reveal the PKK's connection with MIT. In its release of June 27, 1979, it put on the agenda the term "apocular" (adherents of Abdullah Öcalan).

The very important information received by the Aydınlık publication answers the question of the creation of the PKK, leaving no room for doubt. The information in question is a recording of a conversation made shortly before June 3, 2000. The conversation takes place between the lawyer of Abdullah Öcalan D. E. and the senior lieutenant of the Command of Special Forces at the General Staff. During the conversation, the senior lieutenant tells the lawyer D. E. about some of the relationship between MIT and the PKK and utters these amazing words: "We know about his relationship from the very beginning. Öcalan was given 10 million lira for creating a group."  

Former MIT employee Mehmet Eymür, in an interview for Halk TV, said that Abdullah Chatli, who died in an accident in the Susurluk area and was used by the state in various operations, was a kind of bridge between the PKK and the state.

Eymür also made startling statements regarding the interrogation conducted after the arrest of Abdullah Öcalan: "Well, was there an interrogation after Öcalan's extradition? It was conducted. But this was not an official interrogation. I wonder who conducted it? Hasan Atilla Uğur... and who is Hasan Atilla Uğur? He belongs to the Ergenekon group, that is, he is from the Perinçek group. This group was at that time an alternative channel of communication with the PKK. Remember the photo leaked to the press, in which Abdullah Öcalan and Doğu Perinçek are depicted against the background of Mount Qandil."

Şemdin Sakık, the right-hand man of the leader of the PKK terrorist group Abdullah Öcalan, spoke about the censored parts of his book "Apo", published 4 years ago. The chapter of the book that tells about Abdullah Öcalan's relationship with MIT was censored because "it will harm MIT". Sakık was very surprised that despite the postponement from military service received by Abdullah Öcalan, and despite the punishment, he received a state scholarship. Şamil Tayyar, a correspondent of the Star newspaper (currently a deputy of the AKP), published censored chapters of the book in his column. The relevant parts of this article are given below:

(Öcalan) was among those who on March 31, 1972 at the Faculty of Political Sciences distributed illegal information leaflets of Şafak published by the Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Party of Turkey (TIIKP), which was headed by Doğu Perinçek during his studies in Ankara. On April 7, 1972, he was detained and sentenced to 27 years. After six and a half months in custody, he was released on October 24, 1972.

However, Sakık had doubts about this trial: "His release, despite the fact that he was one of two people convicted in the same case, against whom severe punishment was requested, the postponement from military service that followed immediately after that and the provision of scholarships by the state in violation of the rules, despite the fact that he was over 21 years old and received disciplinary punishment, raises suspicions about him."

The adventure and the mise-en-scene called PKK began. The activity that started in Ankara is full of interesting stories at the group stage. For example, a meeting is held under the leadership of an MIT agent (he means Necati, an officer nicknamed Pilot). A person can't help but wonder. Knowing about this agent element, how did it become possible to carry out such illegal activities so easily and openly in this person's house and in his direct presence and bring it to the attention of this person?

It is impossible to understand this ... (Öcalan) in his speeches often emphasises that since 1975 he has been under close attention from MIT, which has infiltrated the ranks of the group, and that taking advantage of this situation, he uses the capabilities of the state.