Assad returns to the big politics of the Arab world

    Cracks in the facade of the American strategy building in the Middle East are growing
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    Syrian President Bashar al-Assad recently paid a visit to the UAE and held talks with Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Vice President and Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. The last time he visited the Persian Gulf region was in 2011. This is Assad's first foreign visit since the beginning of the civil conflict in 2011, not counting trips to Russia and Iran.

    The process of rapprochement between the two countries began last year, when the UAE opened a diplomatic mission in Damascus and proposed the return of Syria to the Arab League. According to the Washington Post, this means that "the period of isolation of Syria is coming to an end”.

    Recall that in 2011, many countries left Damascus alone with ISIS militants, even curtailing the activities of their diplomatic missions in this Arab republic. According to the newspaper, "some did it for security reasons, but for others it was a kind of political demarche in order to demonstrate their refusal to support the Syrian leader”.

    But Assad not only retained power, he also brought to his country victory over terrorism, finding support in Russia and Iran. Therefore, political sentiments began to gradually change in the Arab world, which began to lean towards the reintegration of Damascus into the regional community. In particular, the border between Syria and Jordan was opened. As for the UAE, they were previously ardent supporters of Riyadh and, as a result, opponents of Assad. Now everything is changing, as well as around the world in general, and in the Middle East in particular.

    But to be historically consistent, Assad has never been completely isolated internationally. Russia and Iran have provided and are providing vital assistance to Syria, and not only militarily. Damascus has not faced United Nations-led sanctions such as those imposed on Saddam Hussein.

    The BRICS countries (Brazil, India, China and South Africa), like many non-Western states, did not demand that Assad resign. Notable support was also provided by China, which has vetoed UN Security Council resolutions against Assad six times since 2011.

    India has also maintained ties with Damascus, fearing the rise of Islamists and possibly rewarding Syria for its past pro-Indian stance on Kashmir. True, Brazil recalled its ambassador to Syria, but for security reasons, not because of overt actions against Assad.

    Even in the Arab world, the isolation of Damascus has never been complete. Lebanon and Iraq refused to join any sanctions imposed by the Gulf states, and Jordan maintained a diplomatic presence in Syria, even being forced by war and external political pressure to stop trade and provide Syrian opposition fighters with refuge on its territory.

    Algeria opposed the expulsion of Syria from the Arab League, and when this happened, it acted as a channel for diplomatic communication. Damascus also has hidden contacts with Cairo.

    Nevertheless, Bashar al-Assad's sudden visit to the UAE confused not only Arab, but also Western experts, who began to think about its reasons. They, citing well-informed sources, state that this visit was still planned by external players, such as Russia and others.

    The visit passed without a fuss and has so far been formally ignored by the League of Arab States. Arab dignitaries have not made any comments, while social media is seething with discussions. But the visit reflects not only changes in the position of the Emirates, but also changes in relation to the Syrian dossier as a whole.

    It can be perceived as the beginning of the return of Damascus to the Arab world, which will facilitate the resumption of other visits or meetings, including at the invitation of the Syrian president. The visit also opens the door for Damascus to discuss its return of Syrians to the Arab League.

    On the other hand, Assad's trip is taking place against the background of rumours about a possible normalisation of relations with Israel. During the meeting, the heads of State stressed that "the crises experienced by the Arab region require new approaches based on respect for the sovereignty of states and non-interference in their internal affairs”.

    At the same time, the Pentagon said it was "concerned and disappointed" by this "clear attempt to legitimise" the Syrian president. This was stated by Pentagon press Secretary Ned Price. At the heart of all the claims that the United States makes to Damascus is a categorical rejection of the support of President Assad.

    The sharp reaction of the American Foreign Ministry is directly related to the statement of the Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, who called Syria "the main pillar of Arab security" and supported its territorial integrity and stability.

    There is an opinion that the process of restoring relations between the Arab states and Assad was accelerated by the Khashoggi story, which dealt a colossal blow to Saudi Arabia, and forced Riyadh to curtail participation in the wars in Syria and Yemen. Well, if Riyadh has embarked on this path, then the countries associated with it will not be interested in maintaining the previous course of diplomatic isolation of Assad.

    In the West, thanks to an active information campaign throughout the conflict, the opinion was formed that Assad is a Middle Eastern dictator, an analogue of Hussein and Gaddafi, who should be replaced by a new democratic government as a result of the "people's revolution".

    As a result, several myths have developed around the Syrian conflict in general and Assad in particular. One of them is the idea that Assad allegedly inherited his power de facto from his father, Hafez, that is, not quite democratically. By the way, the Syrian opposition is still actively using this cliche to support the thesis of the illegitimacy of the Assad government.

    But none of the Syrian groups that find support in the West are actually fighting for democracy. Now that Assad is breaking out of international isolation, these voices mean nothing to him. He, as the adviser on diplomatic issues to the President of the UAE, Anwar bin Mohammed Gargash, says, is beginning to return to big politics in the Arab world and "will contribute to strengthening the Arab role in resolving not only the Syrian crisis”.

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